Holding to the Path: Examining the Promises of Roalwim Tavalad.

Opinion

Qassa Ralya-Yukharo, Akhorn, 9th May, 2016.

It has been a less than two weeks since Roalwim Tavalad, Erinor’s Progressive Party, won an unprecedented 82 of 128 eight parliamentary seats in the 28th April General Election.  The dust from that landslide victory has only just begun to settle, but already a clearer picture is beginning to emerge of how the new government intends to operate during its three-year term.

As Anturin Vrassad was the first to report, Sirea Fasya-Akhando, the new Sityara of Foreign Affairs, has already begun talks with one of the Western Continent’s most powerful and influential nations, the Anarcho-Pacifist Technocracy of Hammerstar, in line with the ambitious plans of newly inaugurated Ura’sia, Yena Yamera-Hyudo. She restated those plans - to put Erinor right in the centre of international politics - in her inaugural speech and, whilst the final details of what was actually discussed during the talks with Hammerstar has yet to be released, they are an unambiguous as evidence that Roalwim Tavalad is not afraid to put its money where its mouth is, and is not planning to waste any time before doing so.

But how much can we extrapolate this single incident to the entirety of a three year term, and how much difference will the new government’s many manifesto promises actually make to the day-to-day life of Erinorans?  It’s no secret that the RT’s popularity has been in no small part due to those promises, covering everything from a major overall of the current welfare system, through the creation of a National Health Service to the abolition of the upper (unelected) house of parliament.  All these promises were scoffed at by Syemarar Arutyarcad, the Erinoran Conservatives, as being prohibitively expensive, open to abuse and a drain on the individual’s right to do what they want with their money.  The people chose to believe otherwise and now the SA have been forced to make an extremely uneasy alliance with Massa e Sereva, the Serevan Nationalist Party, to create a credible opposition.

Unlikely as such a pairing may seem, it could yet prove to be a thorn in the Ura’sia’s side.  If the SA choose to appeal directly to the nationalists - and there are a number amongst them who have already expressed a desire to make those ties - then the government will have a real battle on its hands. The conservative SA government caved to pressure from Serevan nationalists back in 2013 with great reluctance when they allowed for the creation of the Serevan Autonomous Region, but that very action might now be their way back into government. The RT can make no such claims and their manifesto was conspicuously devoid of further concessions to the Serevan minority.

It may be that progressive policies set out in the RT manifesto will come to pass and, by making Erinor a better place to live, will benefit Serevans enough to keep the nationalists on their side, but it seems more likely that this is an issue that will linger in the background of this government’s time in office, turning those who could be allies into dangerous enemies.  Time will tell.

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First Progressive Budget to Focus on Education and Welfare According to Leak

Politics
Cafo Tyava-Khriano, Ciria, 22nd May 2016.

The first budget of the recently elected Roalwim Tavalad government is not due to be formally announced by Treasurer Khuro Amlassa-Sirkharo until Monday.  Nevertheless, Anturin Vrassad can reveal many of the key announcements after having been given excluseive access to a document leaked by a source close to the government; one which we believe to be reliable.  Iit will come as no surprise that reforms to both the education system and welfare are top of the list.

Education was one of the main priorities listed by the RT in their election manifesto, with promises to improve the quality of state run schools, whilst opening up the country’s more prestigious establishments, especially universities, to people from all backgrounds.  Thanks to the leaked document, we can reveal just how the government hopes to achieve this: through substantially increased taxes on the top 10% of earners, increased funding to state schools and teacher training courses and student grants for those who qualify for university places based on their academic performance.

Similarly welfare and pensions will receive a substantial increase in funding, this time paid for by increased corporations taxes, which will enable to government to roll out a broad plan of new welfare packages, including increased allowances for those unemployed due to disability or illness, six months statutory maternity pay to be paid, in part by the employer and, most surprising of all, a specific benefit pot for those claiming political asylum from other nations, as well as a package of support to enable them to find employment and integrate better into society where possible, and to protect them from prejudicial violence.

Further government funds were to be raised from increasing tax on products deemed harmful to health, such as cigarettes or alcohol, to be used to nationalise a number of healthcare providers in what must be the first, tentative steps towards the RT’s healthcare goal of a full National Health Service.

Conservative critics will no doubt call all of this increased taxation an unnecessary burden on the populace and the increase in benefits and education funding for the poor as an opportunity for rampant abuse.  The details Anturin Vrassad have been privy to fail to make it clear  how the partially privatised health system will cope with the increase in demands from those who wish to use health services at little, or no cost.  It is expected that the full budget announcement will go into more detail about this plan, but it is sure to cause considerable concern amongst private healthcare providers across Erinor.

By far the most controversial aspect, however, is likely to be the extension of benefits to those seeking political asylum, especially given the government’s recent decision to become more involved in the politics of the South Pacific and the current instability than has been seen across the region, most notably in our near-neighbours, Ryccia and Farengeto.  Hard line Erinoran and Serevan nationalists will be deeply unhappy with these policies and the possibility of an increase in prejudicial violence must surely weigh heavily on Khuro’s mind.

The budget announcement is due on Monday morning, when we may expect further detail, as well as the response from the SA.

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Progress for Anti-Serevanism?

Opinion

Qassa Ralya-Yukharo, Akhorn, 10th July, 2016.

When Roalwim Tavalad began their election campaign in January of this year there was one topic conspicuously absent from their manifesto, that which some have called ‘the Serevan problem’, that is, the issue of Serevan rights and representation, as well as their freedom from prejudice. For a campaign which included key actions to improve gender equality and proposed the eventual legalisation of homosexual marriage, it was a surprising omission. 

Some commentators at the time suggested, rather cynically, that this was an attempt to balance out the manifesto to appeal to at least a fraction of conservative voters, with the belief that progressives would choose RT over their conservative opponents regardless. These same commentators also predicted that, if elected, RT would suddenly begin to have a progressive stance on the issue. Well, we're now nearly two months into the new government's term, and, as yet, nothing has been said. Instead, a disturbing trend is starting to emerge. 

Starting with the complete absence of any mention of Sereva in the Ura'sia's inaugural speech and continuing through with a tendency towards complete silence on the issue that borders on the suppressive, Roalwim Tavalad appear to have gone out of their way to avoid bringing up the Serevan problem, despite increasing tensions between ethnic Serevans and Erinorans along the North West coast.

And then we have the recent diplomatic incident with Zadiner. After allegations of slavery were made by the presumptive ambassador for Vercopa, a series of intense emails (leaked to this paper earlier this week) were sent to the Zadinerian ambassador with no reply, resulting in the formal closure of the embassy earlier this week. This comes at the same time as UF and SCO delegates ask their own questions about Zadiner’s alleged dealings with the Vercopan slave trade. 

In her email to the (former) Zadinerian Ambassador to Erinor, Iuliano Yandai, the Sityara of Foreign Affairs, Sirea Fasya-Arkhando stated that slavery was a particularly sensitive issue in Erinor and especially amongst the Serevan minority. This sounds all well and good, but this isn't the first time these allegations have been made against Zadiner. Concern over Zadiner’s potential deals with Vercopa have been growing for months and yet the Court of Foreign Affairs still approved the Zadinerian embassy request, knowing full well that this could be an issue down the line.  Massa e Sereva had even demanded that the initial request be denied until such a time Zadiner’s innocence or guilt had been proven. The government, following the pattern they've had since the beginning, chose to ignore the voices of our most significant minority. 

Now that action has finally been taken against Zadiner, many critics have declared it little more than a move to save face, one calculated to ensure that Erinor appears as concerned about justice as its larger neighbours. This has already resulted in Serevan unrest in Ciria with a number of Serevans having been arrested for anti-social acts near both the former Zadinerian embassy, which continues to house a number of diplomatic staff until the end of the week, and the Mena Parlid. If left unchecked, this has the potential to blow into a much bigger issue for the government and the people of Erinor. 

But what could be the reason for this strange Anti-Serevan stance? It's no secret that the current direction of RT has been the result of the leadership of Yena Yamera-Hyudo, whose decision to move the party out of the centre-left resulted in a surge of support from younger, traditionally apathetic voters. It's also not a secret, though it is very rarely mentioned, that Yena was orphaned at the age of 9 when her parents were killed in the 1973 bombing of the Akhorn Alliance Bank by Sereva da Macoru, one of the worst atrocities of the so-called Serevan troubles. Whilst the Ura'sia has denied holding a grudge against the Serevan people for this act, it's hard to believe that it has not coloured her politics at all. 

Whether Roalwim Tavalad’s current trend of ignoring, or refusing to speak about Serevan issues is indicative of a kind of institutional Anti-Serevanism, it's clear that, I'd the government wants to avoid a return to the violence of the past, they need to curb this tendency sooner, rather than later. They could do worse than taking further steps against Zadiner in the name of Serevo-Erinoran solidarity.

(This post was last modified: 06-10-2016, 05:12 PM by Seraph.)

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Protests in the Streets as Government Fails to Act

Breaking News
Cafo Tyava-Khirano, Ciria, 6th August, 2016.

There have been protests on the streets of Ramica and Ciria today in response to the government’s efforts, or lack thereof, to repatriate the crew of the Syatyu da Syouna, the Serevan trawler taken captive earlier this week by the Bruuman Navy.  The angry protests, apparently organised by grassroots members of Massa e Sereva, the Serevan Nationalist Party, were lead by cries of “Bring them back!” and “Serevan lives matter!”  Though the various protests have been largely peaceful, there have been a number of arrests after a protest in Vallano Parlid, Ciria got out of hand as protesters attempted to storm the Mena Parlid itself.  Fortunately, no one was injured.

The protests come off the back of a major social media movement in response to the apparent lack of actions on the part of the Court of Foreign Affairs after they failed to provide further details of what the government was doing to return the crew of the Syatyu da Syouna to their homeland.

The crew of twenty-two Serevan fisherman have been detained in the Bruuman city of Zombieskaya since their vessel was captured, on charges of illegal fishing in Bruuman waters.  The Court of Foreign Affairs released a statement later that day to say that they were in contact with the Bruuman government and would be investigating the matter, but little has been heard about the situation since.  It is known that the Bruuman government have, so far, not provided any convincing proof that their allegations are true, but the response from the Erinoran Government has been weak, to say the least.

Arada Yameru, the wife of the skipper of the Syatyu da Syouna, has thrown her support behind the day’s protests in a post to the Court of Foreign Affairs social media hub, describing their response to the crisis as evidence of ‘institutional racism’ and of the need for Sereva to represent itself in the international community.

The Court has yet to release a statement following the day’s protests; a move political commentators are calling ‘unwise in the extreme’.

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Debate gets Heated as Referendum Draws Near

Opinion

Qassa Ralya-Yukharo, Akhorn, 12th November, 2016

With less than a week to go before Erinor votes in what must be one of the most hastily prepared referenda in world history, the debate in both the Khasa Massirs and the Khasa Marcoral Arutyarcad, as well as in the city streets, on the airwaves and in the homes of ordinary Erinorans, is getting increasingly passionate, partisan and unpleasant.

Officially declared by the government just last month, the referendum on the existence of an unelected KhMA came about after the Marcorar used their executive veto to quash the government’s Private Health Service Nationalisaiton Bill, the first step in achieving Roalwim Tavalad’s most ambitious campaign promise, a National Health Service for Erinor, an act the Ura’sia described as a ‘roadblock to democracy’.  The language hasn’t got any less fiery in the weeks since.  The KhMA has been called ‘a gilded vault beyond the glass ceiling’ (Sityara of Foreign Affairs and close ally of the Ura’sia, Sirea Fasya-Arkhando), ‘a den of old fossils, too worn down even for the museum’ (Asa’sio Jruniro Lama-Cyerwaro) and even ‘the parasite wasp at the heart of our democracy’ (Leader of the minority RT Marcorar in the KhMA, ]Marcoro ura’si Khuryo sanqeo Rava-Khuryo) .

If anything, however, the true vitriol has been shot from the mouths of the Marcorar most in favour of keeping their privileged positions in the upper house, most notably the leader of the Syemarar Arutyarcad in the KhMA, Marcoro asa’si Arkhando nwikheo te’si, who has not only fought loudly for the preservation of the ancient traditions of the former Kingdom of Erinor, but has also resorted to attacks on the integrity and character of many of the more high-profile members of Roalwim Tavalad, especially Ura’sia Yena Yamera-Hyudo.  He has called her a witch, a feminazi and ‘the shrill hag of corruption’ who, he claims, ‘will tear down our most cherished institutions just to have her own way’.

The ad hominem nature of the debate has been echoed online, where social media sites like Stream have reported an 80% increase in reports of threatening language and behaviour from Erinoran users, with the figure rising to over 145% when considering only female users.  On the streets, too, the Polisar have reported a 75% increase in crimes against women, minorities and those from lower-income backgrounds as those most ardently in favour of ‘the old ways’ lash out at everything they consider to be part of ‘the new order’.

For those hoping that these problems will go away after the referendum, the situation looks bleak.  Current polls suggest that the government may win this referendum, but by a very small margin.  Their support amongst older generations and those from higher income families seems to dwindle by the day and only the Serevan vote seems to be growing, mostly since Massa e Sereva declared that the KhMA remained the most anti-Serevan institution in the nation and called for supporters to help bring it down ‘at once’.

Whoever wins the referendum next Thursday, they can be sure that they will do so in an embittered nation, deeply divided by what this reporter feels has been a brash act of democratic one-upmanship.

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Government Announces Khasa Yanorirs to replace Khasa Marcoral Arutyarcad.

Breaking News
Cafo Tyava-Khriano, Ciria, 22nd November 2016.

This morning the government has announced the formal replacement for the unelected Khasa Marcoral Arutyarcad after the government ‘won’ last week’s referendum on its continued existence by a margin of just 2.4%.

Under the government’s proposed arrangement, the new upper house, to be named Khasa Yanorirs (the House of Academics) would consist of four elected representatives from each of the twenty-seven electoral districts of Erinor and Sereva.  Any registered political party would be able to submit candidates for election, but all candidates must qualify as a published academic expert in one of four fields: natural sciences, social sciences, arts and law, with one expert in each field to be elected in each district.  Elections would be carried out using instant runoff voting to ensure the most democratic outcome, unlike the elections to the Khasa Massirs, which are currently carried out using first past the post.

The proposed system is similar to one proposed by Asa’sio Jruniro Lama-Cyerwaro when he headed up a policy think tank for Roalwim Tavalad in the late 2000s.  The main differences are in the size of the elected house and manner of their election, with Mr Lama-Cyerwaro’s original proposal opting for proportional representation.  It is clear, then, that the government has been refining this proposal for some time.

For any of this to go ahead, of course, the government will need to pass a bill in the Khasa Massirs.  If successful it would not require to pass an additional vote in the Khasa Marcoral Arutyarcad owing to the conflict of interest.  Given that Syemarar Arutyarcad only have a majority in the KhMA, and that their uneasy coalition with Massa e Sereva in the lower house is unlikely to hold for such a vote after the Serevan people voted 64% in favour of abolishing the unelected upper house, the government has every confidence that it will win this vote by a large margin.

This does not mean that they will have an easy time of it, however.  The popular response to the referendum continues to be volatile, with protests against the result continuing in Ciria and Marcoro asa’si Arkhando nwikheo te’si, the leader of SA in the KhMA, threatening legal action if the government tries to push through the abolition bill on the grounds that it would be unconstitutional.

A spokesman for the government has said that they hope to pass the bill quickly and return to the business of reforming the health service as had been their priority.  Whatever happens, however, the shadow of this brief, but divisive referendum is unlikely to go away anytime soon.

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Exclusive interview with Ura'sia Yena Yamera-Hyudo.

 

Qassa Ralya-Yukharo, Ciria , 11th September , 2017

The room is large, spacious, minimally decorated. A lush view of the foothills of the Khardar Tyavod spans one glass wall, framing the woman I’ve come to see in radiant, spring green, even as the sun begins its journey westward from midday. I say that the view of the sunsets from this room must be spectacular and I am answered with a warm smile, the kind so rarely seen in press conferences. This is what I have come for, and yet, as the clock ticks by, I realise that it remarkable, not because of the insight it gives to the life of a powerful woman, but because of the heartache it conceals.

I have interviewed many politicians during my time as a journalist and those interviews have taken place in many different circumstances, often after some dramatic event or as they began their retirement. Never before, however, have I had an opportunity such as this, gifted to me, as it was, by the interviewee: an exclusive with the Head of State and at a time when journalists have been crying out for lack of answers to their prying questions.

The offer came unexpectedly in the form of a handwritten letter and though I now know, and can share with the readership of Anturin Vrassad, that this is part of a broader public relations exercise, with a press conference scheduled to coincide with the publication of this article, yet still, it is that letter, written in a confident, yet slightly shaky script, which seems to me to be the truth of it. Like that smile.

Ura’sia Yena Yamera-Hyudo is smiling warmly and, as she nods, she half-closes her eyes.

Yena: Yes. The sunsets are truly wonderful. I have done some of my best work here, in their glow.

Anturin Vrassad: And what do you consider to be your best work, so far?

Y: I’m proud of most of what I have achieved throughout my years as a politician, but I suppose that I’m especially proud of what I, and my party, have achieved in this last year and a half with regards to foreign relations. It’s hard to believe that we’re halfway through our elected term already, but, even if one always hopes for more than one succeeds at in the time given, the way Erinor has been opened up to the rest of the world has been glorious to behold.

AV: You made quite a splash last year when you announced the end of the era of small-scale international relations and much was written in the conservative press about your ambitions. Do you regret any of what has happened since?

Y: Not at all! If I can give an example of the benefits I have seen of our having reached out to the world, it would be the way foreign nations and organisations came to our aid after the earthquake. It was amazing to see that, even amidst such tragedy. It really helped to cement the feeling that we’re not alone in the world and we never have to be.

AV: There have been downs as well as ups during your term so far, however. In particular we might note the recent rising tensions with the Serevan community and the potential Serevan Independence referendum, a bill for which was recently passed by the Farra and which your government is protesting. Both you and your party have been criticised for their handling of Serevo-Erinoran relations. Is there anything you would have done differently?

Y: Oh, so many things! But we’re never told what would have happened. We just have to play with the hands we have been dealt and for us, now, that means encouraging the Serevan nationalists to come to the negotiating table before embarking on this divisive independence campaign.

There is much that can be done to further Serevan devolution without resorting to a complete split which would leave many on the mainland cut off from family and friends on Sereva proper. And to me, that is the core of the problem between our two peoples - that we are, in so many ways now, confused and intermingled, that any attempt to disentangle us would only end up hurting both groups.

I’m certainly not saying that the Serevans have no grievance and I can understand their desires for independence. Indeed, I can even see how my government's actions have, perhaps, not taken the issue seriously enough in the past and that there is much to be done to ensure that Serevans are treated as equal partners in our nation, but that is all about healing an ancient wound and it will take time. The alternative, amputation, quick though it might seem, just doesn’t bear thinking about.

AV: You speak about the health of our nation, but many have been concerned, for some time, about the health of its leader. You admitted a while back that you were suffering from some health issues. Can you tell us any more about that?

Y: Yes and, indeed, that’s the reason why I asked for this interview in the first place, because this isn’t something I feel can just be divulged in a press release. This is personal - truly personal - and yet, as leader of Erinor, I feel a maternal bond that makes this seem like its personal for everyone else in the land as well. I don’t know, perhaps that’s mere arrogance, but I didn’t feel like this was my secret to suffer alone anymore.

AV: You make it sound very serious.

Y: I’m afraid it is. The reason for my ill health, and my absence from so many engagements over the past few months is because I have been diagnosed with cancer - pancreatic cancer, in fact.

AV: Are you receiving treatment?

Y: The cancer was diagnosed very late and will, I’m afraid be terminal. Only 25% of those diagnosed survive a year after a diagnosis and, it has to be said, I am not optimistic of my chances. I am taking treatments to relieve pain and ensure that my body is functioning as well as it can do, and - and I want to assure your readers of this - I am quite comfortable at the moment. It is clear, however, that I can no longer perform my duties as Ura’sia, however and that is why, once this article is released, I will be formally stepping down.

AV: I… and I’m sure I speak for our readers as well - I am truly sorry to hear this.

[The interview had to be paused for a moment whilst I regained some composure. It was strange to find myself in a situation where I was the one who was most upset. The Ura’sia, for herself, had mostly come to terms with the news, whereas I found it completely shocking.

What I remember most from this part of our meeting was how Yena held my hand as I wept for her and how she gave me that same warm smile from before. I saw the sadness in it now and I don’t think I was merely projecting. She called for a glass of water and saw that I was okay, before asking that the interview continue. This was, afterall, the reason why she had asked me to come.]

AV: My apologies. Do your cabinet know all of this already?

Y: They have all been briefed and a succession plan is in place. Jruniro [Lama-Cyerwaro] will step up to serve as Ura’sio in my place, whilst Sirea [Fasya-Arkhando, currently Sityara Jukhirs evendem] will serve as acting Asa’sia until the party conference in November, when the party will elect new leadership to see us through to the end of the term.

AV: You have long been friends with Sirea - and with Jruniro also. I imagine that this is an incredibly hard thing for them to do.

Y: It was not a burden which I wished to put upon their shoulders, no, but I am confident that they will do so to the utmost of their ability and beyond and for that I am truly grateful. Though a part of me feels that I am abandoning my country in a time of particular need, I could not be leaving her in safer hands.

AV: And what will you be doing after you step down?

Y: I plan to enjoy the early retirement I never asked for. [At this, her laughter was so full of life it was hard to believe that we were still talking, ultimately, about death] My husband and I plan to do some travelling, whilst I’m still feeling well enough to be able to do so. There are so many places I long to see, and friends in other nations to whom I owe at least one more visit. After that, if there’s time, I plan to read and enjoy my garden.

AV: That sounds… it sounds wonderful, actually. I think it will be a retirement richly deserved.

Y: Thank you. I think I’m looking forward to it, actually. The last few months have been very tiring.

AV: Which brings us to the end of the interview, I think. It has been unexpectedly emotional, but I can only thank you for your candour and for your time. Is there anything else you would like to say before I pack up my notepad?

Y: Only this: It is clear, now, that I will most likely not live to see my political dreams fulfilled completely. To see Roalwim Tavalad run a government was, in many ways the goal I had always longed for, but, in truth, it was never more than a means to an end. My vision has always been an Erinor of equal opportunity and of fair practice, a land which would not tolerate injustice, but which would foster love and understanding between its citizens, elevate those weakest and poorest in society that they might live and love as well as anyone else and, together, see that the world was made a better place for peoples of all nations, tribes and tongues. Perhaps none of this generation may live to see such a thing, or perhaps it is just around the corner. Regardless, I am passing on my baton and entrusting it to those who follow. ‘Keep going’, I whisper, ‘keep going until you see your finishing line and the ones who will inherit your deeds’, for that is what it means to be a friend a of progress and I hope that, for my short time, I have been a faithful one.

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Obituary: Former Ura’sia Erinead Yena Yamera-Hyudo.

Grovne, Sedunn, 26/12/017.

Yena was born the oldest of a family of three in the impoverished district of Cirumena, Akhorn in 1959.  Her father was a dockworker and her mother helped supplement his poor income by making traditional Erinoran lace, despite having her hands full with three small children.  Yena attended Elukhasa Cirumenad until she was seventeen, when, thanks to her exceptional talents she was able to secure a rare scholarship to Yanuvallano Akhorid to study politics, this despite the fact that women had only begun to be admitted to University after the Syarkho Cadeo dictatorship at the start of the decade.

Passing with a first class degree in the summer of 1980, Yena initially found it very difficult to use her new qualification.  It was only thanks to her friendship with Sirea Fasya-Arkhando, the daughter of activist and founder of Roalwim Tavalad, Arkhando Sirea-Arkhando, that she was able to get her foot in the door of the party she would eventually lead.

Her early jobs were fairly menial, serving as little more than a glorified secretary to various members of parliament.  Her big break in politics wouldn’t come for another  ten years, when she ran in a by-election in Cata altea, Ciria’s poorest district on the slopes of Khardo nyaveo.  The encumbent, an RT politician by the name of Rossyo Ara-Virakho, had recently died of a heart attack and, whilst there were many ambitious young party members at that time, Cata altea was not considered a desirable nor influential seat by any measure.  

Whilst the SA were wildly unpopular in the district, Yena’s landslide victory was still truly astonishing and caused her to gain both notoriety and respect from her peers.  The shere scale of the victory, in which she garnered 83% of the votes, was put down, by some as being due to the ‘novelty’ of a female politician, but most commentators recognised that Yena’s progressive policies for the district as well as her approachability and affinity for the poor were really what had swung it.

Yena would go on to have a long and successful career in politics, holding various important roles including Sityara sacnea Jukhirs evendem under the leadership of Lamo Varsa-Cujero.  She ran for the leadership of the party twice: firstly in 2012, when she was beaten by the popular centre-left candidate, Anturo Isyema-Ciro.  She ran again immediately after his failure to win the 2013 general election and this time succeeded in taking control of the party.

She made no secret that her politics were further to the left than the majority of the party at that time and worked hard to bring about a set of policies to reclaim the 21st century for Democratic Socialism and drumming up grassroots enthusiasm amongst party members and the electorate, eventually going on to win the general election in 2016 to become the first female head of government in Erinor’s history.

Her truncated term as Ura’sia was not an easy one, with an equal share of victories and defeats as well as times of unexpected trial.  Whilst she succeeded in her goal of making Erinor relevant in the world of international politics for the first time in decades, she had more difficulty putting through her social reforms, with her initial attempts to create a National Health Service being thwarted by the largely conservative upper house of parliament, Khasa Marcoral Arutyarcad.  This led to one of her more radical successes, the creation of a new, democratically elected upper house of experts, Khasa Yanorirs.

In January 2017, she lead the country through the aftermath of the Ciria earthquake, showing compassion, helping to coordinate the rebuilding of the city and leading those mourning in their prayers at the Mena Tacirid despite her own atheism.

During the first half of 2017, Yena began to be less active in global politics, missing several important events and delaying Erinor’s accession to the new World Forum.  The reason for this became clear when she announced her terminal pancreatic cancer diagnosis in September, choosing to step down as Ura’sia rather than leave the government in turmoil.

She spent the last few months of her life travelling the world, visiting the many countries in which she had made true friendships, both for Erinor and for herself, without all the pomp and circumstance of an official visit.  She concluded her unofficial tour in Govne, a city she had become particularly fond of and where she passed away in hospital on the morning of the 26th December, survived by her husband of thirty-two years, Adaro Okhrensa-Maralto.

Sent from my KOB-L09 using Tapatalk

Founder of the Church of the South Pacific [Forum Thread] [Discord], a safe place to discuss spirituality for people of all faiths and none (currently looking for those interested in prayer and/or "home" groups);
And The Silicon Pens [Discord], a writer's group for the South Pacific and beyond!

Yahweo usenneo ir varleo, ihraneo jurlaweo hraseu seu, ir jiweveo arladi.

Salma 145:8

translate

The LORD is gracious and compassionate, slow to anger and rich in love.
Psalm 145: 8

(This post was last modified: 12-26-2017, 10:03 AM by Seraph.)

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Erinor and Sereva: The Birth of a Federation

 

Feature
Adara Ara-Virakho, Akhorn.

Tomorrow, Wednesday 10th October 2018, will be for many in the world, an inauspicious, typical weekday. For those of us living in Erinor, however, it marks a radical new start, one that could not even have been imagined this time a year ago. Tonight we go to sleep in the Democratic Republic of Erinor - a nation which celebrated its 91st birthday this summer - as we may have done all our lives, but tomorrow we will awaken, officially, in the Federal Republic of Erinor and Sereva.

 

The new state flag of Erinor and Sereva. A plain, civil tricolour will also represent the new state.

After a summer of passionate political debate, a snap referendum and an astonishing supermajority result, the idea of a federalised Erinor, one split almost equally between the new states of coastal Sereva, with its administrative capital remaining in Ramica and inland Erinor, governed from Ciria, will finally become a political reality. The official inauguration of the new state will take place outside the City Hall in Akhorn, which will serve as part of the temporary government buildings of the new federal capital until purpose-built buildings are completed in the next couple of years.

But how did it reach this point and what can we expect from the Federal Republic in the future?

Whilst the roots of the problem of Erinoro-Serevan relations date back to antiquity, It was really the illegal Serevan independence referendum, held just over a year ago, which set the nation on the path to federalisation, although such a peaceful resolution could scarcely have been dreamt as tensions rose throughout October ‘17 and what the Erinoran government termed ‘the Serevan Crisis’ became the Serevan War, as communist militants claimed the chaos for their own ends and the Voodoo People’s Republic of Bruuma invaded Sereva to support them.

With the peace treaty with Bruuma published on the 1st February this year, the bitter civil war on Sereva was at an end, but the process of rebuilding the communities on the island and of restoring and reconditioning the relationship between Sereva and Erinor was only just to begin. An ambitious slate of legislation was put forward by Roalwim Tavalad, including radical new equality laws which aimed to ensure the minority Serevan population was treated fairly, but this was quickly seen to be insufficient for the Fara, the Serevan regional government, who demanded greater devolved powers and union with the majority Serevan communities of Erinor’s northern coastal region. The debates quickly became heated in both the Fara and the Mena Tacirid, with sporadic violence once again hitting Ramica and Ciria. Fearing another crisis, Ura’sio Jruniro Lama-Cyerwaro felt he had no other option than to consider the radical idea of federalising the republic and creating two states of equal importance.

 

New lines on an old map: The Shape of Erinor and Sereva to come.

 

By ensuring that the new state of Sereva contains the majority of the nation’s coastline, with only the federal capital of Akhorn preventing a clean sweep, the new federal model meets and exceeds the demands of those calling for further devolution by giving Sereva it’s ancient territories and control over much of the republic’s fisheries, oil and gas and sea trade. The State of Erinor, on the other hand, controls the ancient Erinoran heartlands as well as the majority of the mining, forestry and tech industries, as well as the cultural gem that is Ciria. It was undeniably a controversial plan and once that many thought was sure to fail when the plebiscite results were read out on 8th August, but with 68% of the population in favour and an impressive 96% turnout, the Ura’sio’s gamble appeared to pay off.

Nothing is ever simple in politics, however, and there is much which is still to be determined. Whilst the Ura’sio and Serevan First, Syusa Sanki, will jointly hold the head of government position for the first month of the new federal arrangement, elections for both state and federal governments are to be held in November, along with elections for a new ceremonial head of state. This is a change which cuts to the heart of our two cultures, with foreign words like President and Prime Minister being borrowed into both Syaqin aren and Serevan to help produce a truly neutral federal government.

There is also the question of what becomes of the disaffected 32%, those who voted against the federal model and, in some cases, feel that their land is being transformed beneath their feet against their will. Ethnic Erinorans living in the now-Serevan coastal regions will wake up to find their daily lives governed by a majority Serevan state government, at least until elections. Valunturutacyar are predicting racial tensions to increase dramatically in some areas and extra resources are being a rolled out across the region.

And what of the global impact? Whilst many nations support the image of peaceful compromise projected by this most radical of changes, there are others, such as nearby Ryccia, which may fear increased pressure from minority ethnic groups seeking better representation and autonomy within its borders. A nation known for being twitchy and aggressive, Ryccia’s response to the formal inauguration of the new Federal Republic could set the tone for international relations with many in the weeks and months to come.

Tomorrow will see parades and fireworks, speeches and songs, all the pomp and ceremony of an official inauguration. When the smoke clears, however, there will be much which remains murky and only time will tell if the new status quo is any more stable and durable than the old one.

(This post was last modified: 10-10-2018, 04:56 PM by Seraph.)

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Varsa area: Our New Prime Minister.

Feature
Qassa Ralya-Yukharo, Akhorn, 16th February

With an agreement signed this evening by the leaders of Syemarar Arutyarcad and Massa e Sereva, they both now take their seat in the highest offices of the federal government for the first time, not counting Syusa Sanki’s brief stint as co-Prime Minister with Jruniro Lama-Cyerwaro immediately after federalisation in 2018. For Varsa area, or, more formally, Marcora asa’si Varsa area, this means taking on the mantle of Erinor & Sereva’s first elected female Prime Minister, something which she will most likely see as a vindication of her position as SA’s first female leader after Feoldo asa’si Visa-Jino’s untimely death early last year. There is still a vocal minority within her party opposed to her leadership, but this victory will go some way towards silencing the worst of the dissent.

Despite her relatively meteoric rise to power, or perhaps because of it, however, the general public tend to know very little about her and our international readership even less so. So, just who is the new Prime Minister of Erinor & Sereva?

Varsa area was born in 1968, the eldest of three children and with no brothers, heir to Marcoro asa’si Varso sireo, the head of Erinor’s wealthiest family, Khasa Varsad, the House of Gold. She grew up in the family mansion in the foothills of the Khardar nwikhear south of Ciria and wanted for nothing, receiving the best education a girl could attain and being sheltered from much of the hardship which was visited upon other, less wealthy former noble houses during the aftermath of the Syarkho cadeo dictatorship and the Serevan Troubles. Only her grandfather’s rumoured connections to Syarkho and various tabloid “investigations” into her father’s business deals cast any kind of a shadow over her younger years.

She left the University of Ciria with a degree in Erinoran Literature in 1989 before heading straight into a job heading up one of her father’s companies, the energy giant Yikhin Akhorid. Cries of nepotism soon abated when she produced a thirty percent increase in profits during her second year as CEO, a trend which would continue, to a lesser degree, for many years to come. Gradually, she assumed control over more and more of her father’s companies such that, by the time of his death in 2008, her taking control of the Khasa Varsad business empire was a mere formality.

Her business successes have been justifiably lauded, but less has been known of her personal life. She was alleged to have had an affair with the actor Arkhando Ara-Cujero during the early nineties, although both parties continue to deny this and, whilst she maintained a long term relationship with one of her business rivals for many years, she remains unmarried and, at the time of assuming the premiership, single and childless, something which has been viewed as very much a negative by some of her SA peers and the rightwing press. There is also some doubt as to the future of the Khasa Varsad empire should she die, though it has been run by Yena cirea, a close family friend, since Varsa’s decision to enter politics in late 2016.

Many questions have been raised about how she rose so quickly within Syemarar Arutyarcad to attain the highest political office in the land in only four years, but whether one agrees with her strongly business-centric, Erinoran-nationalist politics or not, it is hard to deny her effectiveness, nor her dedication as a politician.

Erinor & Sereva stands on the brink of a new, Conservative-Nationalist era and Varsa area will be its midwife. Only time will tell whether her vision can bring peace and prosperity to all, or whether we shall witness a diminution of Serevo-Erinoran magnanimity and multi-culturalism in favour of a narrower, more selfish state, but, whatever the harvest to come, looking back on Varsa’s CV, we can expect to see the firstfruits soon.

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