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The Bruuman Monitor
#21

Bruuman Independence War: Statistic appendix

Territorial control at ceasefire


Population, from 1942 to 1956

Bruuman population grew from 4.5 million people to 7 million people. 

White colonists decreased from 112,500 to 15,000, all of which were expelled after the coup.

Opposing forces strenght, in 1956
 
Colonial forces
 
Royal Army: 9,685
 
Royal Bruuman Force (white): 6,339
 
Royal Bruuman Force (black): 11,785
 
Bruuma Constabulary Force: 7,000
 
Loyalist militias: 2,000
 
 
Insurgent forces
 
Bruuma Voodoo People’s Liberation Front: 28,000
 
Popular Army for the Independence of Bruuma: 8,000
 
Rightful Movement for Justice and Equality: 4,000
 
Minor militias and bandit gangs: 2,000
 
Casualties, from 1942 to 1956
 
Colonial forces
 
Royal Army and Royal Bruuman Force (white): 2,996 combat deaths, 1,454 non-combat deaths and 4,830 left with permanent deficiencies
 
Royal Bruuman Force (black): 1,774 deaths, 3,652 left with permanent deficiencies
 
Bruuma Constabulary Force: 85 white officers and 1,500 black policemen deaths
 
Planters’ militias: 2,000 deaths
 
Insurgent forces
 
PUIB: 3,000 deaths
 
BVPLF: 10,000 deaths
 
RiMoJE: 5,000 deaths
 
Other:  2,000 deaths
 
Civilians
 
White civilians: 684
 
Black civilian: 20,000

 
Total: 50,000 deaths

 
Post- independence casualties:
 
2,000 killed in combat on both sides

20,000 killed in purges within a year
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#22

The Bruuman Independence War: Battlefield, Ep. I

We begin today our insight on the major battle fought during the Bruuman Independence War.
We start with one of the very first armed clashes, the infamous massacre of the Admiral Mahoney Shipyard of 1942, a chaotic and bloody confrontation that went down in history for the indiscriminate use of artillerty by the Royal Navy.

The massacre of Admiral Mahoney Shipyard, Georgeville, March 19th, 1942
 
Three days after the start of the insurrection the Navy’s Admiral Mahoney Shipyard was still in colonial hands, protected by the firepower of the docked HMS Rhoper and HMS Camelia corvettes. The overly confident insurgents believed they could force the crew to surrender if they captured the Shipyard facilities. At night, some accomplices among the dockworkers opened the secondary entrances and a few PUIB and WMP squads, about fifty people in total, sneaked in. They occupied easily the warehouses, but a shootout with a guard alerted both the crew onboard and those stationed in the ashore quarters, a  fortified three-store brick building who hosted around a hundred sailors and staff members at that moment.
 
When the insurgents assaulted the quarters, they were met with a furious resistance and continued rifle fire and they managed to avoid being slaughtered just because of the cover of the night. After regrouping behind corners and crates, the insurgents ensued a standoff with the besieged crew and those on the ship for the whole night, exchanging sporadic fire. Captain Adams of the HMS Rhoper and Captain Eastmoore of the HMS Camelia discussed through the radio and decided to keep their men garrisoned on the ship, fearful that an ambush was awaiting them on the way to the quarters.
 
When dawn arise, the insurgents send messengers waiving the white flag to deliver an ultimatum to the quarters and the ships, asking for surrender before noon. The request was promptly refused and met by Capt. Adams with an identical counter-ultimatum. For the next couple of hours both sided waited but despite the tension no shots were fired, and the insurgents were silently allowed to recover their dead and wounded. However, a crowd had been gathered meanwhile in the neighborhood by some agitprops and at a 8:30 around five hundred people stormed in and positioned themselves between the ships and the quarters, chanting and protesting.
The situation became more chaotic during the following two hours as another five hundred or more protesters joined in, and the WMP and PUIB leaders failed to keep control of the crowd.
 
At 10:52 somebody in the crowd instigated an assault against the quarters and in a few minutes hell broke loose. The assailants were met once again by fire and responded by throwing bricks, setting fire to tar-drenched ropes to create a smoke cover and launching sorties against the doors. At 10:58 the Rhoper opened fire on the insurgents with its naval guns, followed one minute later by the Camelia. Panic ensued as the people run for their lives and many were stamped to the death, while other took shelter in the warehouses, only to discover that they were targeted too. A few insurgents tried to reach the two coastal guns of the shipyard to fire back at the ship, but they were driven off by rifle shots.
 
At about 11:20 the cannon shots ceased and armed squads from the crew disembarked and recaptured the deserted shipyard, soon joined by the men from the quarters. An entrance from a crewmen diary compared the scene to the results of an earthquake, with destroyed and flaming building and hundreds of dead and wounded littering the ground, moans and cry engulfing the smoke-thick air.
 
[Image: 59bc02b85c4ff62563d7136ab15b7237.jpg]
The ruins of a warhouse in the shipyard, destroyed by the ships' cannon fire.
 
The colonial troops counted 156 dead insurgents and recovered 112 wounded but is estimated that more than 200 wounded escaped, many of whom died in the following days. The crewmen in the quarters lost 12 men and suffered another 27 wounded, plus 8 guards were killed in the night shootout.
 
 The massacre of Admiral Mahoney Shipyard was a blatant demonstration that the popular insurrection would not be able to defeat the colonial government by demonstrations and strikes and displayed to the rebels’ leader the necessity of reorganizing their forces into proper military formations.
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#23

The Bruuman Independence War: Battlefield, Ep. II

We continue our retrospective of the main battles of the Bruuman Independence War. Today we look at the Royal Bay Road ambush, one of the most famous and successful guerrilla action in first phase of the conflict.

The Durnford Pass ambush, Mount Elizabeth southern slope, February 20, 1944
 
Background
 
Since the start of the war in 1942 the higher altitudes of Mount Elizabeth had become the haven of the BVPLF’s Eastern Division. The area was almost uninhabited and covered with dense cloud forests, but despite the harsh living conditions provided essential shelter from the RBF’s troops.
 
The rebels thus directly threatened the vital Colonial Route 6, which connected Port Bayou to Royal Bay. The road was of the uttermost strategic importance since it was the only direct drivable way to the coastal town and, by extension, to Foot Island and Storm Island.
 
The RBF created a cordon of reconnaissance outpost along the road, a few kilometers on the interior, and relied on vehicle convoys to patrol the route, deeming its superior mobility sufficient to maintain it secure.
They were severely underestimating the effectiveness that the BVPLF had reached a fighting force and he tactical acumen of its commanders.
 
The battle
 
[Image: 71690136d46e337f5561b08255da480b.jpg]
BVPLF cadres pose as ambushers for a propaganda picture, 1944.
 
On February 15 the guerrilla sieged outpost OP-364, located in the final tract of the road toward Royal Bay, and began harassing its defenders with snipers and mortar attacks. This was a deliberate tactic of the BPVLF to lure a convoy from Burrows CB and it succeeded: on February 20 a RBF expedition left the main base directed to OP-364.
 
The convoy, commanded by Colonel Michael Carpenter, was composed of a Daimler Armored Car as a vanguard, twenty Bedford QLD cargo trucks and a Daimler Scout Car protecting the rear. Ten of the trucks carried 100 soldiers of the III° Regiment; a few had Sterling guns mounted. The convoy traveled several hours until it reached Durnford pass, a tract of tortuous road enclosed between steep hills covered by forest, at dusk. The road was littered with foliage and branches and the vehicle had to proceed slowly.
 
While articulated along a turn that circumvented a small hill, the convoy encountered a fallen tree partially blocking the road: correctly presuming that rebels had chopped it down, Carpenter decided not to waste time removing it and gave order to circumvent it. When the armored car on the side of the tree it triggered a mine and was blown up in a ball of flame. Suddenly the two machine guns opened fire from the small hill on both stumps of the convoy, followed by hundreds of rebels with rifles and mortars on both side of the road. Troops unloaded frantically from the trucks, while some of the drivers managed to steer their vehicles to provide better cover. Other were just left where they were, either abandoned or damaged. 
 
 
On the rear, another explosion knocked down a few trees on the road behind the end of the convoy, essentially trapping the unlucky colonial expedition. Carpenter was in one of the trucks on the tail and the managed to rally its troops around the scout car and few trucks positioned as a barrier, where they began returning fire.
 
On the front, some of the panicked troops tried an assault on the machine gun nest, only to discover the side of the road had been booby-trapped. Other tried to make an escape toward the rear, suffering many casualties in the act. When the sun had set, the surviving RBF, about half of the men, were entrenched in the rear barricade, where Carpenter directed the resistance. The colonial managed to put pressure on the guerrilla with the recovered Sterling guns and the scout car and the mortar and machine gun fire became less intense. 
 
With the cover of the night, the BVPLF launched several wave attacks, some of which reached the barricade and were repelled only by fierce hand-to-hand combat. Casualties mounted and the air was filled of the lament of wounded and dying of both sides. Carpenter was hit by a shrapnel shortly after midnight and died soon, asking for forgiveness to his men with his last breaths. Around 2 AM the survivors decided to try a breakout: a few men were sorted to keep the enemy engaged and provide cover with their sacrifice. As soon as the Sterling guns and the scout car started pouring bullets on the dark hills, twenty-five men run over the fell tree blocking the road and escaped in the middle of the night. When they reached the nearest village at dawn, only seventeen were left.
 
The guerrilla eventually run over the few defenders left. When an heavily armed column arrived from Royal bay later that day, they found just dead bodies and charred vehicles, including the scout car which had been destroyed either by the rebels or by the defenders themselves. Nine men from the RBF resulted missing: they had been taken prisoners, mostly while laying wounded, and the six surviving would be released only in 1947. One of them, a young soldier named Marcus Stern, would later release the famous memoir “The fangs of the serpent: my travails as a prisoner of the communist Negroes of Bruuma”.
 
Aftermath
 
[Image: e59501397b76ff039406428969475a05.jpg]
The scene of the ambush the day after the battle. The picture was taken by the relief force at their arrival, and was declassified only decades later.
 
The Durnford Pass ambush was a major tactical and propaganda victory for the BVPLF.
On a military level, the guerrilla had managed to outsmart the RBF to overcome their lack of equipment, managing to destroy a proper fighting force and posing a threat to a vital communication artery. The battle confirmed also that the strength of mass was crucial for the rebels to pass from sabotage to warfare and bear the necessary sheer amount of casualties: estimates about the number of guerrilla involved vary between 300 and 500, with one hundred between dead and wounded.
On a strategical level the battle was less significate, despite the capture of a relevant cache of weapons and equipment pillaged from the trucks: there were no territorial gains and the arrival of Royal Army troops the following year posed a new, much serious threats to the rebels.
It was on the morale of both sides that the ambush had its most significance. The rebels and especially the communists were bolstered after years of inconclusive fighting and the BVPLF began to rise above the other guerrilla movements as the leading force in the fight. 
In the colonial society the ambush generated panic and disillusion, making them realize that they were not fighting anymore an insurgency but a war. The Colonial Route 6 remained extremely dangerous until the arrival of the Royal Army, which changed the outpost system with a more effective net of fortified bases, to force the rebels to fight in open battles, and a policy of shortest ranged patrols. It would serve relatively well until being overwhelmed in 1952.
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#24

The Bruuman Independence War: Battlefield, Ep. III

We continue our retrospective of the main battles of the Bruuman Independence War. Today we look at on the bloodiest and most destructive engagement, the battle of Monroe

The battle of Monroe, Monroe, June 6th – July 17th 1948


Background
 
From 1946 to 1948, the Rightful Movement for Justice and Equality had suffered greatly under the colonial counteroffensive spearheaded by the Royal Army and had been forced to go underground, losing all towns under its control along with a vast number of casualties.  Only remote hamlets and communities in the jungle or in the remote countryside were still able to operate openly.
 
The stronghold of the movement remained Monroe, were it had been founded and were it enjoyed the wider popular support, despite being forced to operate undercover from authority, against whom it waged a low-intensity guerrilla. Marcus Tinney himself was still living in the city where its preaching had begun many years before, wanted by the authority but sheltered by its network of supporters.
 
Tinney’s mental health had deteriorated progressively as its movement suffered its setbacks and its tone had become increasingly apocalyptic. He foretold that the battle of Judgment Day was imminent and that it would have been fought in Monroe, calling its followers to pour in the city in preparation. So, from the start of the year, a stream of mostly young, zealous RiMoJE cadres arrived in the city, virtually unnoticed by the authorities - The Royal Army was busy on other fronts and control was left to the Royal Bruuman Force and the police.
 
The opposing forces
 
When the battle of Monroe started, the RiMoJE had mustered about 3,000 cadres in Monroe, of which only 500 had any type of firearm. In addition, of the 32.000 inhabitants at least 10,000 were active sympathizers of the movement. While the latter included entire families and multiple generations, the cadres were mostly young and zealous with little or no training. The only exception were the Fruit of God, the de facto bodyguard of Tinney: they were disciplined, trained and absolutely fanatical.
 
The Royal Bruuman Force had a garrison of 500 men of the 10th Battalion, lightly armed and garrisoned in the old fort, and 800 policemen, mostly black.
 
The Royal Army reinforcement was composed of the 33rd Regiment, numbering about 4,000 men, equipped with mortars and heavy artillery, armored vehicles and tanks.
 
The Royal Air Army also flew bombing raids with two Dakota planes.

[Image: 97ff423ac8d2266158f4c7f93bd493e1.jpg]
Alleged Fruits of God members. Picture found in the pocket of an unknown dead woman killed in the battle.

The battle
 
During the spring, tension rose in town as the RiMoJE and the authorities stepped up the conflict with more and more frequent attacks and reprisals. On June 6th, the police was tipped off about the location of Tinney, and sent various companies along with RBF men for reinforcement. They besieged the building but before they could demand surrender, a crowd gathered and created a barrier between the house and the colonial forces.  Things escalated and its still unknown by whom, but shots were fired and the scene turned into a riot. The whole city then exploded in street battles for the next few days and by June 13th RiMoJe was in control of Monroe, with the RBF retreated inside the fort.
 
For the next week, the RiMoJEhad the chance to actually implement its vision. Tinney set up its headquarter in the old Saint Philip’s Cathedral, where it delivered incendiary sermons to great crowds every day. The insurgents started fortifying the city with makeshift barricade in anticipation of a colonial counterattack; the old town around the cathedral in particular was heavily defended and, as it turned out, actually booby-trapped.  The RiMoJE also set score, killing summarily dozens of black policemen and civil servants and enforcing moral behavior around Monroe.
 
Attempts to conquer the fort were however foiled by the sheer firepower of the rifle and machine guns of the besieged RBF troops, which left dozens of rebels on the ground.
 
Meanwhile, the Royal Army had received the radio calls and mustered the whole 33rd  Regiment to recapture the city.  Colonel Jacob Mass, in charge of the regiment, was told by its superiors to treat Monroe as a battlefield.
 
The siege began on June 24th, with 15,000 civilians trapped inside the city along with the RiMoJE insurgents. The Royal Army encircled the city and launched a first operation to relieve the fort and free the RBF garrison, and while they accomplished the mission in just one day casualties were heavy due to snipers, artisanal bombs and ambushes and surprise attacks launched from insurgents hiding in the houses.
 
So, Mass decide to proceeded slowly and methodically, mopping up each area before moving forward and making large use of artillery fire. RiMoJE put up a fierce resistance, which became more desperate while the colonial forces drew closer to the old town.  The young fanatics fought even hand-to-hand and even immolated themselves in suicide attacks with grenades or IEDs, but the disciplined and well-equipped RA was no match.
 
In two weeks the Army reached the edge of the old town, leaving the rest of the city heavily damaged and committing numerous atrocities against the civilians suspected of collaboration with the rebels, while starvation and lack of cures also took their toll.
 
The first attempts to force their way into the labyrinth of narrow alleys that constituted the old town were pushed back and the Army companies discovered at their expenses that Tinney’s man had booby-trapped many buildings and had no qualm in making them exploded to close the way to the advancing foes, even at the cost of their own life.
 
Mass thus decided to take the heavy-handed approach to the extreme and for eight days had the artillery and even the air force relentlessly bombing the old quarters. Huge fires developed and burned for days, razing to the ground whole sections. On July 15th, the Army pushed into the smoking ruins, killing everyone in sight. By July 16th they had reached the cathedral’s square, where the surviving Fruits of God were putting up a last stand. Tinney had actually fled already before July 7th, but the Royal Army did not know that.
 
The besieged insurgents threatened to blow up the whole cathedral. Mass at the beginning hoped to negotiate, both because he hoped to catch Tinney alive and use it as a hostage and also because he felt uneasy at the idea of bombing a place of worship. However after a day of fruitless negotiation, he launched a botched incursion which ended with the insurgents blowing up the left wing. At that point, he asked the Air Army to bomb the cathedral. The third sortie manage to drop a bomb on the explosive cachet of the rebels and the building was torn by the explosion and what remained consumed by the flames.  

Aftermath
 
The battle for Monroe marked the point of no return for the RiMoJE. Tinney followed a short time later: on September 8th Tinney and three companions, while still on the run, bought shelter from a small group of bandits, who betrayed them and murdered them in the night to collect the bounty on Tinney’s head.
His movement did manage survive, mostly in its remote communities or as a clandestine network in the cities but did not played a significant role until the very late phase of the war, when they took advantage to regain a territorial foothold, especially on Storm Island.
 
For the colonial forces, it was a tactical victory but a strategic failure. On tactical level indeed the Royal Army proved that an unequipped and untrained rebel force, no matter how large, could be decisively defeated. On a strategic level, on the other hand, the Army had fought a battle to control a city that it largely had reduced in ruin and depopulated: not only the atrocities committed further incensed the black population against the colonial regime, but also cast serious doubt in the motherland that
 
The Royal Army and the Royal Bruuman Force counted 168 men among dead and missing and 431 wounded. 
Of the 800 policemen, only 75 survived, or let it know that they did, after the battle.
 
RiMoJE lost virtually its whole force in the battle including a thousand who were captured alive, of which an unknown number was executed later. Civilian dead, whether sympathizers or simply neutral victims, amounted to a staggering figure between 3,000 and 5,000.
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#25

Bruuma has conducted a new successful missile test with a 2,400 km range
The threat range more than doubled from the last known launch. Papa Unclepear says its a retaliation for the nuclear sanctions.

[Image: Hwasong-12a.jpg]
Bruuman state TV confirmed the successful test and showed some purpoted images of the event.


The Bruuman People's Defense Forces have conducted a new, successful mimissile test. A new intermediate-range ballistic missile, the CrimsonEye-12, has been launched from a site near Zombieskaya and flew 2,400 km before crashing in the sea East of Scalten. The last know Bruuman test had taken place on July 2016, when a PETKWO-RK01 flew for 1,000 km, meaning that the country has effectively more than doubled its threat range.

The CrimsonEye-12, based on the images shown by the state TV, is about 16 meters long and appears to be a single stage design, using a single main engine along with four vernier engines. It could potentially carry a conventional or nuclear warhead up to 650 kg of weight.

Papa Unclepear, in a statement released along with the announcement, motivated the new test is a form of retaliation against the sanctions imposed on the country's nuclear program: "[...] We have shown our enemies that we are capable of defend ourselves and keep up with their offensive advancements, despite the injust measures imposed on  us by the rest of the South Pacific, which hinders our development of the only true solution for peace: the nuclear deterrent. Guided by the teachings of the MAsters and the Loas, we will continue to develop new defensive measures until we are able to provide ourselves with the nuclear guarantee of peace [..]".

A simulation of the range of the CrimsonEye-12, centered on the launch site, gives the following list of threatened countries: Ceretania, The Frost Empire, Ice Cream, Ebonhandm Scalten, T.S.S.S., GI-Land, Farengeto, Zarisa, Kesshite, Erinor, Aloidia, Phoenixea, Nettunia, Ryccia, Escade, Zadiner, Rewicto and Roavin.


[Image: qvOHnC0.jpg]
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#26

Bruuma issues a statement on the Serevan crisis
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in a note praised the Bafuto Serevai insurgents and condemned the Erinoran government.

The Bruuman Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued the following statement on the Serevan crisis:
 
“The Voodoo People’s Republic of Bruuma expresses its sympathy with the struggle of the Serevan people for self-determination, as we struggled ourselves during the great Independence War. We praise the courageous fighters of the “Workers for Sereva”, who are leading the self-defense of the population against the colonialist repression and toward a revolutionary tomorrow. We admonish the Erinoran government to cease the violence against the Serevan population and abandon its imperialistic approach, and instead open a negotiating table with the “Workers for Sereva” to fulfil the socialist, self-determination aspirations of the Serevan people. We will not remain idle if the violence continues.”
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#27

The Bruuman Independence War: Battlefield, Ep. IV

We continue our retrospective of the main battles of the Bruuman Independence War. Today we look at the New Orleansville raid, a highly symbolic and successful joint action of  the BVPLF and the PAIB.

The New Orleansville raid, New Orleansville, September 26th, 1950

Background
Between 1947 and 1950 the BPVLF had reorganized after the crushing defeat suffered in 1946 with the arrival of the Royal Army. Firmly under the guide of Papa Unclepear and supplied by foreign backers, the communists had become a proper fighting force and were shadowing both PAIB and RiMoJe, the latter reduced to a fragment of its former self after being almost annihilated in the siege of Monroe two years earlier.
 
After the main colonial offensives, the war had shifted into a low-intensity asymmetrical warfare of guerrilla and counterinsurgency, without main confrontations of significant territorial changes. The colonials however were experiencing significant internal difficulties: an increasing white flight from the island, the crippling of the economy and, of less significance, the dwindling of the police force. The rebels meanwhile were undertaking the first experiences of self-government, in some areas even in an uneasy coexistence of communists and liberals. In the cities and towns relationships between the two guerrilla forces were better, since cooperation was more necessary to survive the counterinsurgency operations. And it was a rare operational joint venture that led to one of the most successful and symbolic episode of the war: the New Orleansville raid.
 
New Orleansville was one of the main port of the island and home to the Navy’s shipyard. Both the WMP and PUIB were well established in the city: the first chiefly among unskilled laborers and the latter mostly through the trade unions, including the dock workers. By a direct input of Papa Unclepear, or so it was said, the communists organized a series of clandestine meetings with their counterparts to design an operation against a sensitive target, to inflict a serious blow to the colonials’ morale.
 
A number of objectives were considered but discarded: the shipyard and the garrison were too heavily defended, as was the town hall. Attacks against factories or warehouse would not have been of much significance and would have probably resulted in civilian bloodshed. Finally they settled for the oil tanks at the docks, where a great percentage of the fuel coming to Bruuma was stored before being redistributed. Not only their destruction would have been of high symbolic value but also would have inflicted a great deal of economic damage to the government.
 
There were two main problems: getting close enough to the tanks and actually blowing them up. It was decided that a forceful break-in would have been unfeasible and thus to resort on a stealthy approach. BVPLF militants would have been infiltrated among the unskilled daily workers, while PAIB’s contacts among the dock workers would have smuggled weapons and explosive already inside the perimeter, so to bypass security checks.  A diversion was also set up, with a few commandos from both sides tasked to attract colonial troops in other areas of the port with hit-and-run attacks.
 
The day was set on Tuesday September 26th, since on Monday a fuel tanker would have unloaded a new shipment.

The raid 

In the previous day, the weapons and the explosives were smuggled by sea on small service boats; luckily for the insurgents the authorities did not discovered them. On the morning of September 26th, the infiltrators entered the secured area of the port mixed with the daily workers, and set to work with the others. At around 10 AM, the commandos attacked with pistols and petrol bombs various guard posts and roadblocks on the opposite side of the port. As planned, reinforcement were diverted from the secure area, and amongst the confusion the militants recovered the weapons and the explosives. They attacked the remaining guards while mayhem spreads quickly as the regular workers fled in panic. The militants lead straight toward the tankers, engaging in fierce firefights with guards along the way. They finally managed to reach the giant fuel deposits, but by that time the colonials had realized the bluff and Navy and Army troops were converging. Finding themselves essentially surrounded, the rebels took a dire decision and detonated the bomb anyway.
 
The first major explosion was seen and heard across the entire town in the form of a ball of fire and a thunderous noise. Glasses were shattered and people knocked down for tens of meters. Other explosions followed in the first minutes as the other tankers burst up in flames, while the column of thick smoke, many miles high, became bigger and bigger. Firemen and support ships were unable to extinguish the fire, which burned for five days and consumed a quarter of Bruuma’s oil reserves.

[Image: african-americans-wwii-031.jpg]
Black colonial firemen work to extinguish the flames after the raid.
 
Aftermath

The insurgents paid a high price, as the Royal Army and the colonial troops combed thoroughly the city, using systematically torture to gain information and dismantling several cells.  Indiscriminate punitive raid by white vigilantes also took place in the following nights against the poorest black neighborhood.
 
Nevertheless the raid was a major success and achieved all its strategic objectives: the resulting shock demoralized both colonial civilians and troops, while the public opinion Motherland grew increasingly tired of the human end economic cost of the war. The raid did also inflicted a serious economic blow to the Bruuman government  and disrupted temporarily the economic activities , albeit the fuel supply come back to normal in a few months thank to massive shipment from the Motherland.
 
Despite its success, the New Orleansville Raid remained an isolated case as the souring of relationship between the BVPLF and PAIB prevented further cooperation of significance. After the communists’ coup d’état right at the end of the war, the role of PAIB in the raid was completely cancelled from the official version of the events and to this day there is no mention of it in any Bruuman history book.
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#28

Suspects mount on Bruuma as the occult backer of the Serevan Communist rebels
Bruuman-made weapons are retrieved from Bafuto Serevai rebels, pictures of alleged Bruuman troops in Serevan emerge

[Image: article-1348077191154-1518b236000005dc-4...36x300.jpg]
Bruuman-made weapons retrieved by the Erinor army from Communist rebels in Serevan


International tension flares as suspects mount on Bruuma as the occult backer of the Serevan Communist rebels. Pictures of Bruuman-made weapons in the hands of the rebels emerged during the previous week and were later confirmed from findings by the Erinor army. Papa Unclepear's regime denied supplying arms to the Bafuto Serevai, but praised the Communist insurgents and levied threats against Erinor. The Communists, depsite being a minority of the independentists, appear to have a large availability of cash and weapons that can only be explained by the presence of a backer.

Bruuma's the prime suspect and its position is now worsening as pictures emerged of alleged Bruuman troops on Serevan soil.
The pictures shows possibly Bruuman personnel in plain uniform in rebel-controlled areas. They appears to be small groups, probably serving as advisors.

The regime issued a statement denying the presence of its soldiers in Serevan, but it is known to have sent unofficially its soldiers in aid of foreign rebels in the past.

[Image: image.jpg]
This is one of the pictures depicting alleged Bruuman troops in Serevan
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#29

Bruuma admits troops' presence in Sereva, labels them "volunteers"
Soldiers number increase, as advisors and in action with local Communist rebels.

[Image: hi-m23-rebels-congo-rtr.jpg]

Bruuman soldiers in plain uniforms in Sereva
 
The Bruuman Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a statement, admitting for the first time that Bruuman troops are on Serevan soil fighting alongside local Communist rebels. The statement denied though that the troops are there on any official assignment and labeled the as volunteers. An unbelievable statmentent, considering the extreme difficulties Bruuman experience if they want to leave the country.

It wouldn't be the first time that Bruuman troops have fought on foreign soil in support of Communist rebels against the legitimate government, including a brief and ultimately failed mission in Ryccia a few years ago.

It remains unclear why the regime opted for the intervention this time, considering that it had enjoyed mildly warm relationshiop with Erinor lately, despite the inevitable tensions about the Bruuman missile programs. Some analysts speculate that Papa Unclepear is trying yet again to get another bargain chip to get its nuclear program going again.

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#30

Bruuma declare state of emergency, threatens a full-scale invasion of Sereva
 
Bruuma has declared the state of emergency across the whole nation; the drastic measure precedes a formal state of war.
The distinction in mostly formal: trained reservists have been recalled to arms and the BPDF is on alert: foreign diplomats in Bayougrad reports about AA guns and tanks in the streets and bombing raid drills taking place.
Tourists have been invited to leave the country, while air and sea traffic is curtailed.

Papa Unclepear himself has spoke to the nation, speaking of the "danger of the Ryccian imperialist aggression" and warning that "every hostile act on Bruuma, every trespassing on our soil and waters will be met with deadly retaliation.".

In regard to the Serevan crisis , the dictator stated that the "country will not allow the capitalist Ryccian oppressor to subjugate the revolution" and threatened a full-scale invasion of the island: "responding to our conscience, we have let our generous volunteers help the Serevan comrades in their struggle. But in light of the Ryccian imperialists aggression, we are ready to send our full forces to the island to fend off the foreign capitalists".

At the same times, he opened up to the possiblity of peace, stating that "our main concern is the security and well-being of the masses which inhabits the nations of the region. The Erinoran repression of the Serevan legitimate aspiration for social justice has put that in jeopardy, but we will happily welcome any fair solution for peace, that will benefits all the parts involved, and our doors are always open for dialogue."
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